IR - Human Trafficking

Passports and Prostitutes:
Trafficking for the purpose of sexual slavery in
Bulgaria, Italy and the United Kingdom.

Human Rights: PI4553


Brief methodology.

When researching such a modern, clandestine, and constantly evolving activity, certain factors had to be taken into account when deciding which information to include in the final draft of this paper. Firstly, due to the underground nature of the business, gauging figures - such as the number of victims or the global value of the trade - is difficult, therefore numerical discrepancies between countries do exists. When numbers clashed, the most reliable figure was used. A second problem was the general lack material on the topic (human trafficking and in particular sexual slavery). While there are some government and independent reports in these areas, the majority of articles at the moment tend to be one-off reports for news agencies. It is also because of this that many references are online sources, and although this presents some disadvantages, it has ensured that a five-year cap has been placed on all information used, ensuring this paper is relevant and up-to-date.


Introduction:

This essay aims to serve as a concise look into the seedy business of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual slavery. The focus points of this paper are: to outline why the trade exists, to describe the motivation of both the agents and victims involved in the trade, to analyse the policy of governments at the three different stages of a trafficking route, to distinguish similarities between the aforesaid stages, and finally to suggest an effective policy that will best serve to curtail the booming business.

Why sex sells:

“An ounce of Cocaine, you can only sell it once. A woman or a child, you can sell them each day, every day over and over and over; the mark-up is immeasurable”
- Bill Meehan (2005)

There is no doubt that the above quote highlights one of the biggest reasons for the existence of a global sex-trade. Being pegged just behind drugs and arms trafficking as the third most profitable illicit business in the world (Smith, 2004), there is little doubt that the financial appeal of entering the world of sexual slavery will continue to exist, at least until somebody is willing address the issue head-on.

Of course, another main reason for the existence of sexual slavery, and its continual growth, is that there is a substantial market of people willing to pay for the services, be it legal or not. Put simply, there is a high demand. It would be foolish to think that the existing demand is constant, on indeed decreasing, because it is currently being fuelled by the “proliferation of tourism, escort agencies and advertising outlets for sex services” (Madslien, 2005). Although one would tend to associate the appearance of a sex trade with modern and ‘civilised’ states, the truth is that the supply-demand nature of business today ensures if there is a demand for women is present anywhere in the world, a service will be provided to fill this niche.

Since thousands of NATO troops landed in Kosovo in 1999, what was initially a small-scale local market of prostitution has ‘mushroomed’ into a large-scale industry, which is now centred on illegal trafficking (Traynor, 2004). When the phenomenon of ‘Globalisation’ - not just technological, but the increasing ease of travel - is added to this already fatal equation, it paints a grim picture of the future for those who are, or will be, forced into the world of sexual slavery: unless you are one of the criminals.


The agents and victims:

The criminal actors within the sex-slave trade are not unlike those involved in other successful clandestine activities, such as drug dealing or money laundering, in that they are small factions of people. Such a structure makes these groups flexible and reactive to any changes in policing strategies (Lehti, 2003); it also means that individuals and groups are easily replaced, and that these groups relatively successful at avoiding detection.

Among the obvious reasons such as profitability, trafficking in human beings is a favourable decision for certain organised criminal groups because, unlike the illicit arms or drugs businesses, you do not need a substantial level of finance to get an operation off of the ground (Sturcke, 2007). Furthermore, it is also true that the trafficked women are often tricked into paying for their own flights, which, further reduces the price tag of transporting a person from one country to another. It is because of this unique aspect that gangs of people traffickers can spring up virtually anywhere, even in countries where the overall economic conditions are bellow par.

From the position of a criminal, entering the sex-slave business would appear to be a win-win situation, but unfortunately, somebody usually has to pay a price, and in this equation, it is the women forced into sexual slavery that suffer, mainly through the violation of their fundamental human rights. Several of the traits common to the majority of trafficked females are those of isolation, a lack of knowledge of rights in the destination country, and the constant threat of violence (A.S.I. (a), 2006). In a medical examination of just 25 women, Cathy Zimmerman (2003) puts together an extensive list of the health problems encountered by women that have been forced into sexual-slavery, these included: broken bones, gastrointestinal problems, undiagnosed pelvic pain, complications from abortions, rashes, scabies and lice, to name but a few.

Even once a woman has reached her final destination there is no guarantee that she will remain in the same area, or with the same ‘pimp’. In fact, it is commonplace for women to be exchanged or sold between pimps, on average of 5-6 times during her time as a sex-slave (Sazonova, 2007). Even women that are fortunate enough to escape their captors - including those that make it home - are not guaranteed safety, as stories of victims being re-captured and forced back into the business are all too common. The short end of this stick is that being forced into sexual slavery completely ruins the victim’s life; a fact that appears to evade the conscience of those who sustain the demand.

Upon examining all thirty articles in the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights” (U.N., 1948), it becomes clear that once in the ill-fated position of becoming a sexual-slave, every single human right is either violated, or non-applicable, having the effect of virtually reducing a female to sub-human ‘status’. It is for this reason that the rest of this paper focuses more on different government’s attempts to rescue the victims and address the challenge of trafficking, as opposed to listing the ways in which every individual right is broken.

The source country:

Our fictional journey through the three stages of a trafficking victim begins in a source country, in this case, Bulgaria. Geographically, Bulgaria is perfectly situated for any form of internationalised trading, in that it is situated on the ‘key land route’ that links Europe with the Middle-East & Asia; known as the Turkish Straights (C.I.A., 2007). For thousands of years this passage has been used to transport goods and people between the continents, and to this day, remains one of the main pathways for migrants, and trafficked victims from Asia into Europe. The women sourced from Bulgaria have traditionally been destined for Italy, Greece and Austria, although the smuggling routes are continually diversifying.

The existence of widespread “poverty and disappointment with the slow pace of reforms” (T.S.E., (a), 2006) makes Bulgaria a perfect state for traffickers to prey on vulnerable individuals. Due to a generally lower standard of life, Bulgarian citizens are drawn to the notion that working elsewhere will provide superior economic prospects. It is this idea that the traffickers manipulate, usually with the promise of a service job - maids, waitresses or lap dancers being the typical ‘offers’ – in a more appealing foreign country. Adding to this existing attraction to immigrate, police believe that approximately one in four Bulgarian females have been victims of domestic abuse, which the law prefers to treat as a family matter, as opposed to a criminal act (B.D.H.R.L., 2006).

Although it would be difficult to prove, it must be thought that if these social and economic conditions were all present to a lesser extent, the severity of the trafficking problem would also decrease. However, if these problems are not addressed, there is high likelihood that Bulgarians will continue dreaming of a more prosperous life abroad, not dissimilar to the oldé myth of the ‘American Dream’. Finally, the persistence of such a willingness to travel abroad raises a question of whether the Bulgarian Government can actually do anything to prevent some women heading elsewhere, whether they realise the dangers or not.

Regrettably, although the government is trying to prevent trafficking groups from expanding, the international consensus at the moment is that the Bulgarian Government “does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking” (D.O.S., (a) 2006). Just one of the reasons supporting this sentiment is that there is a ‘very low’ success rate in the prosecution of traffickers (T.S.E. (b), 2006). This demonstrates that the government is unable, or unwilling, to make an example of those found and tried for trafficking, which in turn, fails to provide a substantial deterrent for the criminals who are contemplating joining or continuing the exploitation of sex-slaves.

However, all is not lost. Raising awareness of the sex-trafficking problem has been a major concern of the Government as of late, although there is still some distance to be covered. In a recent survey that focused on five countries where trafficking is prevalent, it showed that 87% of Bulgarians were aware that human trafficking happens (GfK, 2006). Despite this being a rather high figure, it highlights that over 1 in 10 Bulgarians are still unaware of the danger and reality of being trafficked to another country, and this minority tends to be those most likely to be targeted. At this point it would be simple to blame the victims themselves for their naivety, considering the availability of information, however, it is very common to read of women that have been literally ‘sold out’ by family members, best friends and close partners.

A final dilemma facing Bulgaria, and one that has yet to be properly analysed, is that of the country’s 2007 accession to the European Union. Whilst the removal of border controls between EU member states will undoubtedly benefit a large percentage of the population, the ramifications for those targeted by trafficking groups will undoubtedly be less than favourable. Thus, the Bulgarian government is left with the predicament of having to tighten its border checks, in order to prevent high number of trafficked victims from passing through them, whilst simultaneously having to relax border controls in order to facilitate trading and movement of people with other EU nations.

The transit country:

Between the source and destination countries the victim of human trafficking will more than likely pass through one, or several, transit countries. This paper focuses on Italy for several reasons; the first being that it is not just primarily a transit country, but used to be a destination, however this has changed since the Italian market has been saturated. The second reason for selecting Italy was that it is one of the few European countries that appear to be taking the problem of trafficking very seriously.

Surprisingly, for a country that acts as both a transit and destination point, as of yet, there is no specific law against human trafficking, although it is punishable through several other articles of the penal code. Articles 12, 416, 416 bis, 600 and 601 in particular have all been used in the past to prosecute offenders of human trafficking (A.S.I., 2002). However, although these laws cover most things – from criminal association and kidnapping to facilitating illegal immigration – there are only draft bills proposed at the moment that deal directly with the crime of human trafficking. A recent report on the victims of trafficking in several countries suggested that the Italian parliament should “adopt as soon as possible, the new law against trafficking in human beings, including the UN protocol definition” (Orfano, 2003).

Perhaps the main anti-trafficking effort attributed to Italy is that of international collaboration with other states. In one of the largest raids of its kind, a joint effort between the Bulgarian and Italian police forces in May of 2006 successfully apprehended 41 Bulgarians involved in a European-wide trafficking network (Reuters, 2006). According to official reports the masterminds of the group were all from Bulgaria, despite the operation being run from the small town of Trieste (T.S.E., (c) 2006). The location of Trieste is also important to note, as it sits in the Northeast corner of Italy, directly on the border of Slovenia, another country known for high levels of human trafficking.

A more permanent example of Italian cooperation with another country, with the aim of curtailing sex-traffic, has been their programme with Nigeria that is dedicated to joint investigations and the social re-insertion of victims (di Cortemigla, 2004). On a positive note, crackdowns and projects such as these emphasise that cooperation between the nations is effective, and can provide results.

Yet, despite some sterling efforts by the Italian Government there are still some recommendations being proposed aimed at aiding the success of current efforts against sex-slavery, and in particular, the demand for it. The main method suggested is the proliferation of “focused and highly-visible demand reduction campaigns” (D.O.S. (b), 2006).


The final destination:

For many, but not everyone, the United Kingdom is the final destination in their journey. Due to the illicit nature of the sex-trade it is hard to gauge the actual numbers of victims, which means that the top and bottom end of official figures differ considerably. The latest accepted estimate states that in 2003 there were approximately 4,000 trafficked women in the UK at any one time (Coaker, 2006), although many organisations believe that this estimate is conservative, and that the number is rapidly increasing year on year. Through every link in the chain the value of a victim increases, and at the point of entry to the UK it is currently estimated that a female can be sold for as much as £8,000.

The UK specifically has drawn the attention of many sex-slavery gangs from Romania and Lithuania to Africa, among others, not just because of the high value of women, but for several other reasons. The first of which is that previously preferred countries such as Italy and Spain have reached a saturation point (Thompson, 2007). Therefore, instead of pursuing endeavours in a country where a flooded market will have reduced the price, and profit, of each individual slave, the crime gangs simply re-locate to another state where the market is fresh and demand is high.

A further reason why some organisations believe that UK proves to be a favourite among sex-trafficking rings, is that the current laws fail to effectively deal with several aspects of the business, including; monitoring the ‘off-street’ sex industry, deterring pimping and effectively prosecuting individuals on trial (Poppy, 2007). It is also true that, although some of the agents are being tried for their crimes, their convictions tend to fall under pimping or immigration offences, and other aspects of trafficking - such as rape, assault, imprisonment and kidnapping - all go unpunished (A.S.I. (b), 2002).

One report has also highlighted the police’s heavy-handed approach to most cases, which is attributed to the controversy surrounding the issue of immigration in UK politics. It is argued that there is an overemphasis on law enforcement at the expense of the victim’s protection (Young, 2006). This is particularly true of the legal status given to victims of sex-slavery, who under the current laws, are simply viewed as illegal immigrants. This situation has led for calls to create an entirely new and more sympathetic legal status for victims of sexual slavery (D.O.S. (b), 2006). The only problem with this suggestion is that it could become a scapegoat for ordinary immigrants, and may eventually lead to an influx of attempts, further blurring the boundaries between genuine victims of the sex-slave trade and illegal immigrants.

Despite the heavy-handed approach synonymous with infamous ‘dawn raids’, and the initial harsh treatment of those involved in trafficking rings, it is widely believed that the sentences given to those tried for trafficking offences are lenient (Craig, 2007). Whether this is because there is no specific anti-trafficking law, or due to it being a phenomenon in its infancy, sending out such signals of judicial weakness reinforces feelings that traffickers in the UK are involved in a low risk, high gain, situation.

A recent report published by the House of Lords (2006) suggests several ways in which the government could best change its laws to more efficiently tackle the problem of human trafficking. These guidelines included raising the awareness of trafficking in the UK, but more importantly, that the legislative framework on trafficking must take a human rights approach, beginning with the protection of victims; a problem that was highlighted by many reports previously mentioned in this paper.

It is because of these reasons that many people and groups feel the UK would benefit from creating a specific anti-trafficking law before the size of the industry becomes comparable to that of the Italian market. However, at the moment there appears to be no end to the growth of the sex industry in the UK, which unfortunately means that there is also little hope in ending the need for more, younger, and prettier women. The industry is also diversifying to increase its stealth, with more brothels being set up in anonymous urban and suburban areas (Guardian, 2007). This means that it is also harder for the women to be noticed, and reduces their chance of a successful escape.


Common threads:

Despite the aforementioned countries all having a different roles with regards to their part in, and fights against, sex-trafficking rings, there are some universal changes that could be made, to increase the effectiveness of their anti-trafficking efforts, did emerge.

One such feature common to all three stages of our fictional trafficking journey is the necessity for stricter penalties to be dealt to the perpetrators. Either through the creation of a specific anti-trafficking law, or the simpler desire to see more severe sentences, both NGO’s and governments alike have called for the need to deliver punishments that actually fit the crimes.

A second concern shared between all three nations observed in this paper is that of raising the level of awareness with regards to the size and severity of the trafficking problem. Although a source country such as Bulgaria would benefit from focusing on educating the vulnerable women preyed on by the traffickers, the transit & destination states such as Italy and the UK should focus on reducing the demand. The common thread between them is that there is still a distinct lack of public knowledge, despite the severity of the trafficking problem.

Such similarities highlight one simple argument, the need for a more homogenised policy between states. Although Italy has made noteworthy gains through bi-lateral cooperation with single states, these common threads underscore the need for a wider policy approach, beginning at a multi-lateral level, but eventually being enforced on an EU, or even global, scale. What is also interesting to note is that none of the countries observed in this paper made the World Trafficking in Persons Report’s “International best practices” list.


The global level:

Overall, the effects and problems of trafficking in persons, and particularly women for the sex-industry, are not by any means limited to the three countries discussed above, nor only Europe (in fact it is generally recognised that the problem is far greater in many other European states such as Moldova and Germany). The responsibility for ending modern-day sex-slavery lies at the global level. Unfortunately, the growth of the industry is only being assisted by globalisation.

According to Ulrich Beck (2001) the next stage of ‘globalisation’ is that of his ‘2nd Modernity’, in which both “sexual and intergenerational relations between men and women, adults and children, are stripped of their pseudo-natural premise” and the global population is shifting “towards parts of the world with an attractive standard of living”. From these two quotes alone, Beck’s theory not only explains why the women from source countries are all too willing to take a risk and leave their homelands in search of a better life, but it also explicates why the need for more and younger females subsists.

In Europe alone, the current estimate for the number of women forced to enter sexual-slavery, and subsequently losing every human right, is thought to be around 200,000 per year; approximately one-quarter of the world’s total (Mendenhall, 2007). Every year, it is also thought that over 1 million children worldwide are forced into prostitution, trafficked for sexual purposes, or used in child pornography (I.L.O., 2006). Whilst this figure accounts for only children, the United Nations places its upper estimate for both women and children at 4 million per year, quantifying the value of the business at around $7bn USD per year (P.P., 2007). Given the direction that the business has taken over the past 5-10 years, and its exponential growth within this timescale, it is difficult to picture an end for the demand of female flesh, and no longer impossible to imagine that the value of the sex-slavery trade may well surpass that of illegal arms trading in the long run.

Due to the global nature of this problem, nothing short of a global solution will effectively conquer, or even suppress the expansionism of, sexual slavery. By observing the three points in the trafficking chain, an effective global solution would ideally encompass both fitting penalties for those found guilty of committing a trafficking offence, and significant efforts to raise the public awareness of the situation faced by the victims of trafficking for years on end. Ideally, there would also be an internationally recognised status for a person that has been rescued from a trafficking operation.

Perhaps one of the biggest achievements in the next few years will be the academic acknowledgement that sex-slavery is an extremely serious problem. With the modern boom of Human Rights literature it is somewhat bewildering as to why such little attention has been paid to sex-slavery, which is one of the most blatant violations of every fundamental human right.

As a human being, some would feel that it is everybody’s duty to notice the victims and help them escape their current situation, because without the assistance of others, the women can do little to help themselves. Generally, sex slaves are in an unknown foreign culture, where they don’t speak the language, know little about their rights and have been physically & emotionally beaten and scarred; some may also have a drug or alcohol problem. If one was to juxtapose a friend or family member into this situation, it would not be tolerated… so why should we all sit back and watch it happen?



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